Not Christopher Columbus but Colon

Columbus Navigational Genius Even on Land

2009-02-14T10:36:00.000-08:00

Navigational Genius Even on Land

"We have not hesitated to call Christopher Columbus a consummate seaman, the first sailor of his or of any other time. It is not merely that he made the most memorable voyage ever made by man, but because he navigated all seas with skill, prudence, daring, and success. He was a scientific sailor. He studied the seasons, the planets, the winds, the tides, the atmosphere, the flight of birds, the habits of fish, things over the sea, things on the sea, things under the sea. He was familiar with the coasts known to man and, partly by instinct and partly by the employment of his skill, he made his way in safety along shores never known and reported by any sailor until his day. In the following letter we are in communion with Columbus, the sailor. He is not making parade of his knowledge. The Sovereigns, as they had done before on many occasions, and notably in the spring of 1497, have required of him a dissertation... Columbus then reminds the Sovereigns that no one pilot may be expected to know all courses. The pilot who can safely conduct a ship from the Guadalquivir to Fuenterrabia in the Bay of Biscay may not take a ship to Lisbon. The pilot who goes to the Eastern countries by way of the south may be entirely unfitted to sail ships to Flanders. And this leads the Admiral to refer to the intimate correspondence by water between Spain and the Low Countries. By the month of January the Bay of Biscay becomes so wild from the resistless winds that prudent navigators have returned to their own countries. Yet, a skillful sailor, watchful of conditions, quick to seize a moment when the wind lulls, may escape and finish his journey, particularly should he avail himself in an emergency of some welcoming French or English port on the way. Then the Admiral becomes reminiscent. He recalls a time early in the year 1497 when the Sovereigns, the gallant Prince Juan, the Spanish Court,-all were anxiously awaiting the ship which was to bear them a new Princess; but the ship came not and fear was in every heart. Then the Sovereigns appealed to Columbus, and he told them where, by the blowing of the wind and the probable course, he thought the ships to be, and predicted their safe arrival within a day or two.

...enfadados yban a Soria y partida toda la corte un sabado quedaron VUESTRAS ALTEZAS para partir lunes de manana y aun cierto proposito en aquella noche en un escripto mio que envie a VUESTRAS ALTEZAS dezia tal dia comenzo a ventar el viento. El otro dia no partira la flota aguardando sy el viento se afirma partira el miercoles y el jueves o viernes sera tant avant como la ysla de Huict y sy no se meten en ella seran en laredo el lunes que viene o la razon de la marineria es toda perdida. este escripto mio con el deseo de la venida de la prinzesa movio a VUESTRAS ALTEZAS a mudar de proposito de no yr a soria y espirmentar la opinion del marynero y el lunes remaneszio sobre laredo una nao que refuso de entrar en Huit porque tenia pocos bastimentos...(- Christopher Columbus, Granada, 6 February, 1502)

And his prophecy was fulfilled. The ships, indeed, had been where he said they were, driven by winds which he knew and on courses which he knew, to a neighboring English harbour. It was a triumph for Columbus which history has not hitherto recorded. ... It was in August, 1496, that a mighty fleet of vessels gathered in the port of Laredo in the Bay of Biscay to escort the Princess Joanna to Flanders for her marriage to Philip. The fleet was under command of Don Fadrique Enriquez, the Admiral of Castile, ... Six months passed before the Princess Margaret of Austria was landed on Spanish soil. ... The Court was at Burgos early in March, 1497, awaiting news of the expected fleet. Days passed, and the ships came not. Then the Court was moved southward-away from the coast to Soria, and the Sovereigns were about to follow, when a letter reached them from Columbus, saying that if the fleet had started from Flanders on a certain Wednesday, the weather was such as to cause the ships to put in to the Isle of Wight (Huict) on Thursday or Friday, and from the conditions of wave and wind, the Admiral predicted that the fleet would enter the port of Laredo on the following Monday. The words of the sailor weighed with the Sovereigns, and, with the young Prince, they changed their purpose and went to Laredo, where the prediction was fulfilled, and promptly on the succeeding Monday one of the fleet appeared in the harbour of Laredo. Truly, the Admiral of the Indies was the first pilot of his time." (Christopber Columbus HIS LIFE, HIS WORK, HIS REMAINS AS REVEALED BY ORIGINAL PRINTED AND MANUSCRIPT RECORDS JOHN BOYD THACHER VOLUME III, G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, NEW YORK AND LONDON, 1904)

The Unidentified Columbus

2008-11-20T15:38:00.000-08:00

The writing of Human History, be it from 2000 b.c., 1492, or yesterday, is meant to be an accurate account of that space in time. In telling the story, however, the facts are not always correct and at times even the sequence of events can get jumbled up. Imagine, then, a case in which the original events were intentionally misrepresented, the facts later invented, and an "official history" arrived at by "plausible consensus," instead of by factual evidence, and you have the current "official history" of Christopher Columbus.

Those who accepted the "official" version of the facts may find Manuel Rosa's 17 years of investigation futile. That however is not the case. Mr. Rosa has brought much new information and new ways of interpreting the facts that a total review of the "official history" is already being undertaken by other scholars. But so that no one thinks that Mr. Rosa is the first Columbus historian to put in question the history, here are some views from nearly 100 years ago.

BOOK REVIEWS

Cristoforo Colombo. Docurmenti & Prove della sua Appartenenza a Genova. By the CITTÁ DI GENOVA. (Genoa[ ?]: Officine dell' Isti- tuto Italiano d 'Arti Grafichi, Bergamo, MCMXXXI - Anno X. E. F. [Era fascista]. Pp. XXIII, 292.(1)

The early writers on Christopher Columbus did not attempt to prove where he was born. They simply asserted that it was in Genoa in the province of Liguria, Italy. Later historians and biographers brought this assertion, into question. All attempts to prove it have failed. The one before us is perhaps the most noteworthy, not only because it comes a little nearer than its predecessors to succeeding, but because it is the most elaborate. Under the patronage of the city of Genoa, a commission of fourteen members, presided over by the Podestà (facist mayor), has brought forth this volume measuring 15 x 12 x 2 inches and weighing 9 1/2 pounds, to prove, not where Christopher Columbus was born, but that he was born in the city of Genoa, Italy.
Besides the XXIII and 292 pages indicated, there are 201 sheets, or 402 pages, interpolated and not serially numbered, making the total number of pages 717. There are no running titles. There is no index. The table of contents is sketchy. There are no designated chapters. Neither lines nor paragraphs are numbered for reference. A preface by the Podestà, together with a note at the end of the volume, authenticates the work as a product of Genoa's municipal scholarship. This is followed by an introduction by a member of the commission, Dr. Giuseppe Pessagno, which is referred to (p. 287) as a Stutdio critico introduttivo. It informs us that the documents presented were se- lected for their pro-Genoa tendency ("Esaminata la mass documentaria col criteria delta prova della 'genovesita', si e visto". . . p. XIX); that its method is strictly "objective and impersonal" (p. XVIII), and on the same page, that it is "objective and necessarily not impartial, because the voice of the documents is one and does not admit of variants or compromises"; in other words, that this work is not a study, but a brief; that the case is argued with documents making links in a chain of absolute proof; that, therefore, no other ev- idence than that presented is worth considering; either the discoverer of America was the Christopher Columbus of Genoa, figuring in the Genoese documents, or he never existed. (" Cristoforo Colombo e quello dei documenti genovesi o non è ". P. XVI.) This dictum is the keynote of the work. With only apparent exception, the evidence presented is circumstantial. Being admittedly picked for its partial- ity, it is not the best obtainable, and fails to convince or satisfy,-- to say nothing of justifying the haughty pretensions of the author.
The body of the work is made up of facsimiles of printed matter and manuscripts compiled by another member of the commission, Professor Giovanni Monleone, with the assistance of Dr. Pessagno. It is interspersed with comments and discussions by Professor Mionleone, and includes three colored illustrations which might better have been maps.
Part I sets out printed texts and a few manuscripts dating from 1502 to 1837, most of them of the sixteenth century. They represent the discoverer variously as Genovese, di nazione or patria Genovese, cittadino [di Genova], without indicating whether natural born or nationalized, and in a few cases as a native of Genoa. I take the name Genova to stand for the city and the qualification Genovese to refer to the state; the word patria to imply native country or place of birth, according to context, and the word nazione, not. On this basis, I find that, of the 103 statements only eleven clearly credit the discoverer with being born in the city of Genoa. None includes its authority or source of information. Scant or no reference is made to persons who may have represented him as born outside of that place or have acknowledged or implied that they did not know where he was born.
Parts II and III are manuscripts; most of them unsigned and unt- dated fragments. These are generally accompanied by a transcript and translation in print. For the date, the reader must rely on the printed heading or footnote, which he would do well to check when he can. On page 127, the heading gives the period of a series of documents as running from 1 October, 1450 to 1 November, 1451. The facsimiles, which happen to include the dates, show it to run from 10 November, 1450 to 25 September, 1451. The provenance and authenticity, rarely indicated in the facsimile, may be learned from footnotes, but not always as explicitly as desired.
On page 123, Document No. 1, which might be taken for an original of 1440 or a contemporary certified copy, appears from the fac- simile, to be an uncertified copy found in a pro-Genoese propaganda compilation, such as the one before us, made in the seventeenth century. The notable Assereto document (pp. XIII, XIX, 137, 173) passes as an original until critical examination finds it to be an indifferent, uncertified copy of two documents, themselves perhaps un- authenticated. On pages 108 and 144 we find material which in the manuscript appears to be struck out. If there is justification for its restoration, the reader may complain that it is not set forth.
Part II is divided into two parts, which we may call Section I and Section 2. Section 1 is composed of notarial deeds and deeds of the Genoa government, all in Latin, and section 2, of "other documents". Section 1 is subdivided into what may be called chapters, as follows:

Geneological acts.
Acts showing Genoa as the birthplace of Christopher Columbus, and de- termining the year of his birth.
Acts showing changes of residence between Genoa and Savona....
Acts proving [?] the identity of the Columbus of Genoa and the discoverer of America.

Section 2 consists of six miscellaneous documents testifying as to the birthplace of the discoverer.
In the above Chapter I, the seven 'genealogical deeds' are intended to prove his descent from one Johannes de Columbo, a wool weaver from Moconexi, eastern Liguria, residing (February 21, 1429) in Quinto, a suburb of Genoa, through one Dominicus de Columbo, son of a Johannes de Columbo, provenance and occupation unknown, and his wife Sozana, daughter of one Jacobus de Fointanarubea of Bisagno, also in eastern Liguria. The bits of more or less dubious and unrelated lineage, contained in these documents, are forced together into a rickety structure which, in the form of a family tree, is presented as Document VIII. This, all the same, is not a document, but a questionable composition by the author.
The object of the next chapter is to determine the birthplace and date of birth of the discoverer. The documents show, says the author, "that the birthplace is revealed by Christopher himself, who, being in Savona, declared himself in a legal deed to be 'a weaver of Genoa' ". . . Turning to this deed, we find that the declaration was made, not by Columbus, but by the notary, on what authority does not appear. Let us assume that he got it from Columbus. How does this prove place of birth? The author says, . . . "by this last declara- tion, made in a city of Liguria which was not Genoa., Columbus evidently intended to indicate the place in Liguria in which he was born". According to the author (p. 141, item IV), Cristoforo had been a. wool weaver in Savona as well as in Genoa. If then, in Genoa he had declared himself a wool weaver of Savona, he would have proved himself born in both places! So much for the place of birth.
The date of birth is placed between the 26th of August and 31st of October, 1451. The earlier date is computed by our author for a Christoforus Columnbus civis Janue (citizen of Genoa) summoned in 1479 from Lisbon to Genoa as a witness to a commercial operation of a Loldovco Centurione, about a year before (p. 173, Assereto doc.). Examined on the 25th of August, 1479, he gave his age as annorum viginti septem vel circa (about 27 years), which would put his birth about the 25th of August, 1452, or including his 28th year, as about said day and month in 1451.
The later date, 31 October, 1451, is determined for a Christoforus de Columbo filiuis Dominici (citizenship or birthplace or provenance not given) major annis decem novem (between 19 and 20 years of age). The deed is dated 31 October, 1470. This would place the birth between the 31 October of 1451 and of 1450. According to the author, the age given in this deed was declared by the witness himself (p. 121, No. VI). It was apparently a conclusion of the notary's, set down by him as evidence:

As to the identity of the witness.
As to his being of age to testify.

Neither of these purposes called for correctness. The first might be served by the current belief, the reputed age; and the second by an indefinite one definitely over or under the legal age. The author's conclusion that the discoverer was born between his two dates, 26 August and 31 October, 1451, depends upon the identity of his two Columbuses with each other and with the discoverer. This identity is not demonstrated, but assumed-a begging of the question which the author was to prove. Even assuming that the two ages were both given by the discoverer, they are too indefinite for the definite maximum and minimum of the author. They intimate that the witness did not know or believe his age to lie within such or any other precise limits.

Chapter III treats of the movements of certain Columbuses be- tween Genoa and Savona.
In Chapter IV we come upon the crux of the whole work: "Deeds proving the Identity of the Genoese Columbus with the Columbus Discoverer of America", followed by a Conclusione (pp. 161-178). With one exception, the seven documents here presented refer to the Columbus of Genoa. The exception is the questionable Assereto document. The relationships on which the author seems to rely for the identification of the two Columbuses are:

Genoese, cousins (3 sons of Antonio, brother of Dominico, Christopher 's father) arranging to get in touch with a Christoforus de Columbo, admiral of the king of Spain.
The Genoa firm of Lodovico Ceturione and Paolo di Negro, as employer in 1478, of a Columbus, citizen of Genoa and resident of Lisbon; together with the remembrance of this firm by the discoverer in his will.
One Jeronimus de Portu, a Genoa creditor of the Genoa Columbus and, according to author, of the discoverer.

With respect to the first, it is alleged (p. 178) that the three cousins had arranged to visit the admiral. They had in fact arranged only to share the expense of a visit to be made by one of them, Johannes (Giovanni, p. 174). The author says "evidently for rea- sons of kinship". His evidence is not specified, but appears to be:

The statement, on the 11th of October, 1496, as a fact of common report in Savona, that Christophorus, Bartolomeus and Jacobus, sons of Dominicus de Columbo, of Savona., had long been beyond the jurisdiction of Savona, living in Spain (p. 176) together with the identity previously established, of the Savona and Genoa Columbuses.
The coincidence of the Christophorus de Columbo of Genoa and the admiral of the King of Spain, in name, in age, and in relationship in Genoa.

That the name of the admiral was, in Latin, Christophorus de Columbo, should be supported by better evidence than the statement of a Genoa notary (p. 175) or an irresponsible interested party, in a Genoa document. If there was a Spanish document in Latin that gave to the admiral the name of Christoforus de Columbo, the author should have produced it. Let us assume that there was one; also that the son of Antonio, Johannes de Columbo, did present himself to the admiral and was eventually given command of one of his ships. In all this there is no proof that in resorting to the admiral, Johannes was actuated by a call of the blood; that either he or the admiral recognized the other as a cousin; that the admiral claimed or admitted filial relations with Johannes.'s uncle Dominicus. Diego, a brother of the discoverer, does in his will, name a Giovanni Antonio Colon, but did not give his father or identify him or relate himself to him in any way (p. 259). The text of the will is taken in print from Harrisse (C. Colomb, II. 467), who does not give his source.
The Columbus of Lisbon, who is represented by the author as serving the firm of Centurione and Dinegro, appears in the Assereto document (p. 172) as Christofforus and as Cristoforus, Columbus, not as Christoforus de Columbo. He is said by the notary to be a citizen of Genoa. In his testimony, given under oath, he says nothing about citizenship or origin, but that he did go, for the forementioned Paolo Dinegro, on a commercial mission to the island of Madera in 1478. He does not tell how he knew, if he did know, that his Paolo Dinegro was the one in this case, the partner of our Centurione. It appears from the document that the testimony of Centurione was shown or read to the witness as a preliminary to his examination; that he thus knew what he was summoned and expected to testify; also that his testimony is not given in his own words, but at best, in those of the notary and, possibly, not in the notary's words, but in those of a copyist. Under these circumstances, we can hardly take this testi- mony as proof of his having had any dealings with our Paolo Dinegro.
In 1502, the discoverer made a will which is lost. We have no certain knowledge of its contents. In 1505, he made a supplement, or codicil, to this will, without incorporating therein the will itself. This codicil was executed in 1506. Its original is lost. Our author presents it in print (p. 253) taken from Navarrete (Colección de los Viajes . . . II. (1859), 350), who gives it as a legally authenticated instrument (Testimonio authorizado) in the archives of the Duke of Veragua. It is not apparent why he does not furnish a manuscript copy of it. Navarrete's text may be divided into two parts:

The aforementioned codicil, said by the escribano, Pedro de Iinojedo, to be in the handwriting of Cristobal Colon, and signed [in the same handwriting?] with his name.
A postscript to the foregoing supplement, or codicil. This postscript is not signed by the discoverer, but is said by another esoribana, Pedro de Azcoytia, to be in the handwriting of the first part. There is no date to the postscript, but it was evidently written between the signing of the first part by the discoverer and escribano, August 25, 1505, and its execution with the signing by the other escribano, May 19, 1506.

In the postscript, Columbus, names the heirs of Luis Centurion, "a Genoese merchant", and those of Paolo de Negro, as legatees. He leaves a sum of money to be divided equally between the two families and another to go to the Centuriones alone, each sum in round num- bers, without indicating any particular financial, civic, or blood relationship.
There is notarial proof that in Genoa, on the 22d of September, 1470, Dominicus, son of Johannes, de Columbo, and Christoforus, son of Dominicus, agreed with one Jeroninus de Portu, son of Bartholomeus de Portu, to submit a money question to arbitration; that six days later, Christophorus and Dominicus were obligated by the award to pay to said Jeronimus de Portu thirty-five lire within a year.
Our author says (p. 178, 1. 16, 17) that this de Portu is named by the discoverer in his will. Turning to the will (p. 252) we find a provision for payment: "to the heirs of Geronimo, del Puerto (Spanish), father of Benito del Puerto, Chancellor of Genoa, twenty [Spanish] ducats or its equivalent [in Italian money] "; nothing about the father of Geronimo.
It is reasonable to suppose that this debt of the Columbuses was paid within a year or two of its creation by the arbitral award in 1470, and it may be surmised that the 20 Spanish ducats, equivalent to about 129 lire, bequeathed about 34 years later, were an obligation of another Columbus to the same or some other Puerto. According to the author (p. 252-b), 20 (Spanish) ducats are about equal to 35 lire. My number, 129, is computed from the figures of Desimoni (Racc. di Doc., Pt. II, v. 3, pp. 124-125).
The "Deeds proving the Identity of the Genoese Columbus with the Columbus Discoverer of America" should leave us unconvinced, but if they did convince us, the proposition that the Genoese Christopher Columbus was born in the city of Genoa would remain to be proved. In the next and last section of Part II (pp. 179-194) are six documents bearing on these two points. Not one represents the discoverer unequivocally as a native of Genoa.

Part III is formed of Section 1, devoted to the autographs and other documents of the discoverer, in the archives of Genoa; and Sec- tion 2, to deeds of Christopher Columbus and of his relatives and descendants. These deeds consist of six wills and two formal affirm- ations. The first will is the notable entail, or mayorazgo, of 1498, containing the phrases: "I being born in Genoa" and "from it [the city of Genoa] I came, and in it I was born". This is the only piece of positive evidence as to the birthplace of the discoverer that can be taken seriously. Does it decide the question? The original of the mayorazgo, is lost. No legally certified copy of it has come down to us, but its legality is here of secondary interest. A document may be in perfect legal form and full of lies. Was this declaration made, was the original deed signed, by Christopher Columbus, the discoverer? Nobody really knows; but assuming that it was, did the discoverer know where he was born, and if so, did he tell the truth about it? There is room for doubt and speculation on each of these points. Without cross examination or corroboration, this testimony of his can- not be accepted as proof.

The second will in our series is the discredited military codicil of 1506. It is recognized by our author as apocryphal, but this does not prevent his drawing on it for evidence. "It is very significant," he says, "that the forger wishing to give to the codicil every appearance of authenticity, could not but fashion a Columbus born in Genoa". The forger's words are "meae Patriae Reipub[licae] Genuensi"; not a word about the city of Genoa. Besides, how could naming Genoa as the place of birth give to the writing an appearance of authenticity, except on the assumption that Genoa was the discoverer's birthplace? This is another case of gratuitously assuming what is to be proved. Most of the remaining documents have already been considered. None of them calls for further comment.
It is hard to imagine any one reading this bulky, scrappy opus through. The further one gets into it, the greater the vexation and disappointment. It will be used principally as a work of reference. In spite of the emasculation of the documents and the difficulty of finding one's way among them, it is a serviceable compendium of documentary data. As a demonstration that the discoverer of America was born in the city of Genoa, it stands a monumental failure.

JOHN BIGLOW

Washington, D. C.

________________________________
(1)A translation of this work into English and German was issued in 1932. The English appears on the left hand page or column and the German on the right. The English title is Christopher Columbus: Documents and Proofs of his Genoese Origin; and the German, Christoph Columbus: Dokumente und Beweisse seiner Genueser Ierkunft. This edition is substantially bound in heavy white canvas- like cloth. The inside papers, front and back are a reproduction of the Juan de La Cosa map of 1500. The facsimiles of documents are excellent and bound in with care. There are also many facsimiles of title pages.

-- Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 13, No. 2 (May, 1933), pp. 204-212
Published by: Duke University Press

The Columbus Question:

A Survey of Recent Literature and Present Opinion

"....Several of the traditional occurrences associated with the youthful Columbus are now known to have been utterly impossible. These include the mythical voyage to Iceland, the expedition to Tunis in the service of Rene of Anjou, and the alleged exploits as a corsair.
In view of the repeated expositions of the absurdity of these imaginary episodes, it is surprising that belief in them still exists in some quarters. At one time it was difficult to explain the legends other than on the assumption that the admiral later circulated falsehoods concerning his own youth. It now appears more likely that he was the innocent victim of biographers intent upon enchancing his reputation.... The definitive biography of Columbus seems relegated to the indefinite future. Recent "lives" of the great navigator are frankly popular in tone. The true Columbist, with a knowledge of the problems and pitfalls awaiting him, shrinks from the biographer's task and confines himself to monographs. The problem of Columbus calls for the efforts of a superscholar, versed in many fields of learning other than history. With the possible exception of Humboldt, the past produced none answering this description. If the future yields one such, willing to devote a lifetime to a single topic, there may someday be a univer- sally accepted history of the discovery of America."

CHARLES E. NOWELL
Fresno State College

-- Source: The American Historical Review, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Jul., 1939), pp. 802-822
Published by: American Historical Association

Obama Descendant of European Kings

2008-11-05T15:56:00.000-08:00

Great people usually descend from other great people and our

President-Elect Barack Obama is no exception. Barack Obama has
as his ancestors on his mother's side great men like King Charlemagne (died 28.01.0814 )

Hugh Capet (died 24.10.0996 )Robert II le Pieux, King of France (died 20.07.1031 )

and William the Conquerer, King of England (died 09.09.1087 )
and many other great man of European history including
Foulques V le Jeune d'Anjou, King of Jerusalem
who died in Acra 13.11.1143.

Hail to the Chief,
and Hail to Great Men.

(to see the full genealogy follow his mothers lineage on this great site.
A red ball identifies the descendants of William the Conqueror, king of England;
A yellow ball the descendants of Charlemagne, Holy Roman emperor and king of Italy;
A dark-blue ball the descendants of Hugh Capet, king of France;

“Another nutty conspiracy theory!”

2008-10-21T19:31:00.000-07:00

“Another nutty conspiracy theory!” That’s what I first supposed as I started to read the manuscript Unmasking Columbus sent me just to edit its English. After all, it turned upside down most of what I had learned about Columbus since the 1940s.
It claimed that Columbus knew in October 1492 that he was nowhere near India, but that he called the Caribbean region he had reached “the Indies” in an outright lie, because he was a double agent actually serving the king of Portugal and double-crossing his patrons, Ferdinand and Isabella, that he was an expert geographer and navigator and a Portuguese nobleman, not a shipwrecked ignorant sailor or wool-weaver from Genoa.
I thought I would read a little of the book to enjoy myself poking holes in its arguments and then decline to edit it. However, the more I read, the more convincing its massive accumulation of historical details became. Far from fanatics, its authors present their claims modestly, pointing out areas that need further research, and even saying that their conclusions at present lack 100% proof. True, history rarely admits of 100% certitude, but I would say that their book provides the best answers to many previously unexplained problems in the Christopher Columbus puzzle.
I now believe that if Columbus were alive and on trial by any fair civil court, he would be found guilty of huge fraud carried out over two decades against his patrons.... Against my initial instinct, despite a lifetime that has taught me to question all things, I found myself believing that the case against Columbus presented here is about as solid as Fawn Brodie’s claims that Jefferson sired slaves by his Black slave Sally.... I refer you to two news clippings about my doctoral research at Columbia University, dealing with questions of authorship (to show that I am used to weighing evidence, evaluating sources, drawing conclusions from written remains). They are the New York Times, Sunday, August 6, 1961, pp. 1 (col. 2), 70 (col. 1) and Time magazine, August 18, 1961, pp. 43, 44.

- JAMES T. McDONOUGH JR., Ph.D.
(James T. McDonough, Jr. earned his Ph.D. in classical philology from Columbia University
and taught at St. Joseph's University for 31 years. He was a Professor at a number of Universities)

He Was Not Christopher Columbus

2008-09-29T21:05:00.000-07:00

For over 500 years Christopher Columbus has been known as the discoverer of America. However neither the name Christopher Columbus, -Latin version of the Cristoforo Colombo in Italian,- nor the voyage had been correctly described or explained up to now.
The facts of the "fairy tale" wool-weaver that gets lost on his way to India running into America without knowing it are clearly explained in this new book by historian Manuel Rosa.

«O Mistério Colombo Revelado»

(The Mystery of Colombo Revealed)

15 years of rigorous and systematic investigation

knock down the officially known history.

Colon was not a Genoese, but a Portuguese

spy at the service of King John II.

Columbus Lisbon Interview

2008-09-18T17:45:00.001-07:00

Nick Balthazar interviews Manuel Rosa and Dr. José Carlos Calazans about the new book on Columbus for Belgium TV.